Lowest of the low: Rohingya refugee women in India

By Mizzima Commentary
27 July 2023
Lowest of the low: Rohingya refugee women in India
A Rohingya Muslim woman in a makeshift settlement in Madanpur Khadar, in New Delhi, India. Photo: EPA

Muslim Rohingya refugee women living in India are arguably living in one of the most precarious positions in the world.

Rohingya women trying to survive day-to-day in small refugee communities in India have it hard. And the uncertainty of their legal position in India does not help. They face a myriad of challenges that compound their already vulnerable and precarious situation. As members of a marginalized and displaced community, these women encounter a host of obstacles that hinder their access to basic rights, social services, and economic opportunities.

These problems have not gone unnoticed. Outlook India magazine, in a recent article entitled: What Life After Displacement Means For Rohingya Women In India? by Samanwita Paul, tells the story of Amina. The mother of two girls lives in a Rohingya camp in Delhi’s Kalindi Kunj, which houses almost 50 families. The camp lacks toilets and a good water supply.

This forces women like Amina to limit their water intake and restrict their toilet usage. The location of the camps and the difficulties in accessing sanitation facilities make women especially vulnerable to harassment and abuse. Women are scared to go out alone especially during the night due to repeated instances of abuse.

In many ways, Amina’s position is a “life on hold” – getting by with the daily chores with the hope of improvement – yet with the fear their host country might expel her and her family, forcing them to return to crisis- and war-torn Myanmar.

Amina’s situation is better than it was in Rakhine State where she fled from in 2012 when there were attacks on the Muslim Rohingya by local Buddhists. And she avoided the horror of the Myanmar military war in Rakhine in 2017 that saw over 700,000 Rohingya flee to Bangladesh.

At first, Amina said she was relieved in part due to initial sense of safety she felt in her host country.

India – a country of 1.428 billion – is the world’s largest democracy with a major mix of ethnic and religious groups jostling for position as it tries to drag itself from the developing into the developed world. There is little doubt that the red-carpet treatment of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on a recent visit to Washington was justified, in part due to the country’s burgeoning economy and trade prospects it presents, and as a counterweight to China.

But India faces serious challenges on a political, ethnic and religious level that have communities within this vast landmass competing for resources and influence. And, much like the removed but still-present caste system, certain groups suffer from the wrath of the majority, a steaming cauldron exacerbated by smartphones and ugly social media posts and messages.

This can be bad news for minorities.

Muslim Rohingya are caught up in a social hierarchy that views them as interlopers desperately hanging on to the bottom rungs, under pressure to be expelled. A large part of this prejudice comes from a Hindu political base that is sensitive to the growth of the overall Muslim population in India, still a hangover from 1947 Partition. In addition, different ethnic or national immigrant groups are lined up in a pecking order – with Tibetans at the top, and Rohingya at the bottom – an echo, as noted, of form of caste system.

One of the most pressing challenges for Rohingya like Amina is the lack of legal recognition. There are currently about 40,000 Rohingya in India, with about half registered with the UNHCR. India does not formally recognize the Rohingya as refugees, which denies them access to essential services such as education, healthcare, and formal employment. Consequently, refugee women like Amina and their families often live in destitution and are vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.

As Outlook India magazine notes, most of the Rohingyas currently residing in India were forced to leave Myanmar in 2012 following a round of ethnic violence in Rakhine. This was the same year that the community was able to access the Refugee Status Determination (RSD) facility in India and received the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Refugee Cards. Despite not being recognised by the Indian government as refugees, they were permitted to live freely and receive assistance from the UNHCR. Between 2012 and 2017, they were even granted Long Term Visas (LTVs). The LTVs were crucial for accessing identification documents such as the Aadhaar cards and basic public and private services. The LTVs granted the Rohingya refugees more avenues for house rental, purchase of SIM cards and access to open bank accounts. However, since 2017, the LTVs have neither been renewed nor new ones issued and they have been explicitly forbidden from holding Aadhaar cards. This has made them victims of hate speech, arbitrary detentions and forced evictions.

At present, Rohingya refugees are officially categorised as “illegal or irregular migrants”. This creates chances of arbitrary arrest, detention and harassment for the community. Despite being a signatory of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and several other humanitarian treaties, India refuses to provide its refugee women with requisite protection and assurances.

Another major concern for women like Amina is gender-based violence and discrimination. Rohingya women are at a heightened risk of physical and sexual violence, both within the refugee community and at the hands of the host population. Limited access to legal recourse and fear of deportation further discourage them from reporting abuses.

Due to this, women have to largely rely on men to pursue activities outside the household. They seldom go to hospitals without male members and going to markets is out of the question. During times of childbirth or other medical contingencies, women might sometimes seek help from UNHCR volunteers, who accompany them to health facilities.

Education is a significant barrier for Rohingya girls, though Amina’s two girls are getting a rudimentary education. Many lack access to schools and cultural norms may prioritize early marriage over formal education, perpetuating a cycle of poverty and disempowerment. Healthcare is also a major concern. Limited access to reproductive health services and maternal care can lead to high rates of maternal mortality and infant morbidity. In addition, cultural and language barriers further isolate Rohingya women, making it difficult for them to integrate into Indian society and seek support.

As India grows in importance on the world stage and seeks to juggle the influence of Washington and Beijing, it would be wise to cool the tensions within communities inside its borders.

To address the challenges of the most disenfranchised – namely Rohingya women - a comprehensive approach is needed, involving the Indian government, international organizations, and civil society to ensure protection and empowerment. Efforts should focus on legal recognition, access to education and healthcare, as well as initiatives to combat gender-based violence and discrimination.

Only through a collaborative and empathetic effort can vulnerable women like Amina rebuild their lives with dignity and hope.