The house surrounded by CCTV cameras belongs to Ko Latt, also known as Mingalar Taung Nyunt, a well-known Myanmar ultranationalist.
Ko Latt has a problem, one that has cropped up in the wake of the February 1 2021 Military coup.
He says he now lives with a small group of relatives and friends in surroundings that are “getting smaller” as he seeks to “guard his life”.
He thinks his former friends who are party members of Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) – people with the same beliefs who stand with him – will also be living in fear like him.
He is a member of an alt-right group whose members call themselves nationalist activists. In July last year, during the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, under Military Council administration, his mother passed away and he cursed and blamed the government on a Facebook “Live Stream” for managing the funeral procedures poorly. He was arrested by the Military Council authorities for a while and later released.
Ko Latt is unhappy. “We are nationalist activists. Because we had some similar standing with the USDP since before, we are considered to be on the same side with them, and are now living in fear of getting targeted for our lives. My situation is more dire. I don’t know if I will be killed by my own people or by others. I live in fear of both sides.”
In October, another ultranationalist, Michael Kyaw Myint led gatherings to show support for the military in cities such as Mandalay, Pyin Oo Lwin and Pathein with the full security of the police.
Ko Latt asked Michael Kyaw Myint not lead these kinds of gatherings, voicing his concern on a Facebook Live Stream.
In the wake of the military coup, those considered military supporters and informants, including hundreds of USDP party members and nationalist activists, have been assassinated.
Military-controlled media channels announced in December that 1,564 people have been killed from the day of the coup on February 1 until November 16. Among the dead, 406 were supposedly Dalan or informants, 253 USDP party members and family members, 228 for other reasons, 198 township and village-ward administrators, 192 protesters during crackdowns, 93 police, 75 SAC troops, 69 people from bomb explosions, 38 government staff and 12 monks.
Supporting the military
Initially, a mix of military veterans and USDP members led by Than Htay, a former military officer, supported the military coup.
But after peaceful protestors against the military dictatorship began to get arrested and killed, starting from April, government supporters including military informants and USDP party members started to be assassinated.
From that time on, USDP members started to hide being a party member and used fake Facebook accounts to communicate. They began to keep a low-profile in their communities.
As one North Dagon resident noted, these people have been taking measures to protect themselves.
“At the edge of our street, there is a group of houses where only USDP members live. There are about five houses. They were loud about their support for the military even when there were protests against the coup. When killings started in April, they locked their part of the street down barring strangers coming to that part of the street,” the resident said.
Some USDP members moved out of their communities and took steps to hide. Some members announced publicly that they were no longer USDP members.
In October, in Wat Latt township of Sagaing division, a Yone Pin Kone villager, Ye Htun walked around in the neighborhood and using a handheld loudspeaker, announced that he was not a military informant and not a party member of USDP anymore. His video surfaced on social media.
Likewise, in Pauk Kan village of Wat Latt township, Nyein Zaw Hein had to announce publicly that he and his family are not military informants. He announced in the neighboring villages using a speaker, “I am not an informant. I was a USDP member before, but now, I would like to express that I have no more relationship with the party, and will have no part in any other organizations in the future.”
People’s Defence Force groups note the change. A spokesperson of Phaung Dine Phaung Dine Guerilla Group from Wat Latt Township said there were 35 USDP party members who came to his group and signed a guarantee that they are not informants. Four notorious informants were told to walk around their communities using a loud speaker to inform people of their change of heart.
“When an informant who was really bad surrenders to us, we make the person do this. If an informant was not that bad, we just ask him or her to apologize to the people in their village offering tea,” he said.
He also claimed that urban guerilla forces only target informants of the military, not USDP members.
A spokesperson for the Phaung Dine Phaung Dine Group told Mizzima, “Our missions are not targeted towards party members of the USDP. We only exterminate people who budget and inform the military. When we made an announcement warning people not to be informants, some messaged to our Facebook page saying they have no more relationship with SaKaSa (State Administration Council).”
Military supporters or Military informants
After the military coup, there were coup supporters. They were ultranationalists (Nationalist Activists), USDP party and members of its alliance parties.
A youth living among military supporters commented on their mindset of the nationalists and related members. “They think protesters and armed revolutionaries are doing the bidding of the NLD party, using drugs and killing people. Moreover, they believe only the news from newspapers, Myawaddy and MRTV (controlled by the military) are true.”
He said that they the military did not illegally grab power but are safeguarding it, and that protesters against the coup are disturbing the peace and stability of the country.
Urban guerrilla groups interviewed mentioned that most informants who ask the police and the military to arrest the protesters, PDFs and some youths who come back home after some absence from the neighborhood are USDP members.
Spokesperson of the USDP, Dr Nandar Hla Myint told Irrawaddy news agency, “We, USDP, after the military safeguards the power, have no reason to become Dalan (informants). There is no policy. The party also doesn’t give any instructions to do so.”
However, in reality, the paramilitary group Pyu Saw Htee which is working for the military on the ground is made up of USDP members, and new village and ward administrators are likewise USDP members.
In Sagaing division, Pyu Saw Htee members not only give information, but also are armed and fighting alongside the military troops, and involved in setting villages on fire, according to reports by Sagaing PDFs.
In February, in the early days after the coup, USDP followers and nationalist activists made gatherings to show support for the military and to counter protest the anti-coup demonstrations. RFA news reported that when violent armed protestors from a pro-military gathering were arrested by the community, they were carrying the party membership cards of USDP.
But not all military supporters are working as informants.
When urban guerrilla groups were asked what kind of people work as informants, a member of Yangon Guerrilla Force replied, “Most informants we find are members of the USDP, former soldiers, and teachers who did not join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Most of these non-CDM teachers have relationships with the USDP or are members of the Mother and Child Protection Organization.”
Does the military protect their supporters?
After the coup, on February 27, the USDP met with its 24 alliance parties, and announced that these parties believe and support the actions of the SAC fully and will cooperate strongly.
USDP’s Facebook page posted that the party is collecting funds from members and supporting 3-5 Lakh Kyat to the family of the party members who were assassinated or injured. When collecting funds for the support, among the contributors was the 37-years-old son of coup leader Min Aung Hlaing.
The party’s announcement mentioned that major share-holder of Mytel company, Ko Aung Pyae Sone and his wife, Ma Myo Yadanar Htike donated 5 million Kyat on December 3.
USDP’s spokesperson, Dr Nandar Hla Myint told Irrawaddy news agency, “Now, we live, eat and go with caution. I can’t go and help. I am worried for others and for myself.”
Supporting blindly
Thein Soe, a political observer said, “The military has had long-term relationships with some groups like Ma Ba Tha which started during the Thein Sein administration. They are former followers of the military juntas like General Than Shwe and Thein Sein. They have business ties with the military in one way or another.”
He noted that pro-coup supporters are mostly former soldiers-turned-USDP members, and their relatives. The other type of supporters are people with military family backgrounds such as former soldiers, wives and children or girlfriends of currently serving soldiers.
The last type of military supporter has no business ties or relations with the military. They are people who have been under the spell of ultranationalism. They have been blinded to believe they have the duty to protect the religion and people, and that if the NLD wins again, Muslims will take over the country.
“When asked why they support the military even though they haven’t received a Kyat from the military, the answer was that if Daw Suu (Aung San Suu Kyi) gets into power, Myanmar will become a Muslim country,” a youth explained, referring to the belief of his aunt who supports the military.
These people still blindly support the actions of the military saying news that people getting burned alive in groups, and arrested people getting sent back as corpses, is just “fake news” and that the PDFs are the culprits.
Political observer Thein Soe Naing bluntly says military supporters are just people with self-interests.
“These military supporters are backing and cooperating with the military because they have business interests and ties with the Military Council, and are hoping and believing that the rest of the country cannot attack or overthrow the junta.”
